• Recruit 6,000 gardaí over five years;
• Double training allowance for recruits;
• Garda ‘transport hubs’ at key bus and train stations and increased deployment on public transport;
• Tackle anti-social behaviour and retail crime;
• Introduce facial recognition technology;
• Provide 1,500 prison spaces;
• Minimum tariffs for life sentences.

Analysis

RESULTS: GENERAL ELECTION 2024

Scroll for results in your area

Cork East

Cork North Central

Cork North West

Cork South Central

Cork South West

Kerry

Clare

Limerick City

Limerick County

Tipperary North

Tipperary South

Waterford

Dublin Bay North

Dublin Bay South

Dublin Central

Dublin Fingal East

Dublin Fingal West

Dublin Mid West

Dublin North West

Dublin Rathdown

Dublin South Central

Dublin South West

Dublin West

Dun Laoghaire

Carlow/Kilkenny

Kildare North

Kildare South

Laois

Longford/Westmeath

Louth

Meath East

Meath West

Offaly

Wexford

Wicklow

Wicklow/Wexford

Cavan/Monaghan

Donegal

Galway East

Galway West

Mayo

Roscommon/Galway

Sligo/Leitrim

Firstly, Fine Gael has been in Government and has held the position of minister for justice for the last 13 years.

Garda numbers stand at 14,125, compared to 14,700 when the Government formed in June 2020 (-4%). At frontline garda rank, the fall was higher (-6%). In fairness, covid meant that at least 1,000 fewer gardaí were recruited.

The Government has promised 800-1,000 recruits a year since covid, but those targets have not been reached.

Meanwhile, there is an overcrowding crisis in jails. Yesterday, it hit a high of 5,124 inmates — in a system with spaces for 4,519. It compares to 3,708 prisoners in June 2020 — a jump of 38%.

Drugs

• Tackle drug use to ensure safer communities and public spaces;
• Consider mobile medically supervised injecting facilities, building on the pilot.

Analysis

The manifesto does not state the party’s position on decriminalisation of possession, though Taoiseach Simon Harris made it pretty clear afterwards and had a swipe at Fianna Fáil.

The manifesto does commit to “tackling anti-social behaviour and drug use to ensure safer communities and public spaces”. The Citizen’ Assembly on Drugs Use said that, while drug possession should remain illegal, a form of decriminalisation should be introduced, though it left the legal mechanism to the Oireachtas and Government to figure out. The Oireachtas committee backed decriminalisation and the repeal of Section 3 of the Misuse of Drugs Act.

Mr Harris has kicked these recommendations to touch and appears to keep to what is existing policy — though never actually implemented. This would give one chance, at most two, to people caught in possession by sending them for a health referral. If they refuse or are caught subsequently, they are sent back to the criminal justice process.

Security/defence

• Establish Cabinet committee on national security;
• National Cyber Security Centre, currently in Department of Communications, to be brought into Department of Justice;
• National policy statement on national security;
• Update laws on phone interception and data retention;
• Preserve policy of military neutrality but enhance co-operation with UN, EU, and Nato;
• Continue the current situation of defence being represented by a minister at cabinet (currently Minister of Foreign Affairs is also Minister of Defence);
• Achieve Level of Ambition 2 (LOA 2), as per Commission on Defence Forces.

Analysis

There are already long-standing committees on national security, so it’s not clear why they want a new one.

The call for a national policy statement on national security is odd as the country has been waiting many years for a promised national security strategy, devised by the National Security Analysis Centre (NSAC), of which there is no mention.

Promises to update phone interception legislation are also long overdue.

The decision not to propose a full-time minister for defence will be a disappointment to many people involved in the area.

FIANNA FÁIL

Crime/policing

• Recruit 5,000 gardaí over five years to reach 20,000;
• New transport police;
• New dispersal orders to deal with anti-social behaviour and public space protection orders to deal with protests outside politicians’ homes or public libraries;
• Mandatory minimum sentences for those who assault emergency workers.

Analysis

The pledge to recruit gardaí is similar to recent years, but those numbers haven’t been met. The transport police has been floated before and, while there is a need to make public transport safer, the personnel would have to come from the gardaí.

Drugs

• The FF manifesto says it will decriminalise the possession of drugs for personal use — it was only after, in “clarifications”, that the party said this would only apply to cannabis, not other drugs;
• The party will introduce legislation to require those caught with drugs for personal use to attend education or treatment;
• It said it will also publish “a formal national position on cannabis regulation”.

Analysis

Fianna Fáil’s stance on decriminalisation in the manifesto seemed straight-forward, but what turned heads was the “clarification” issued subsequently that it would only apply to cannabis.

The promise to examine legalising cannabis and formulate an official Government position is interesting and may, in part, stem from the Citizens’ Assembly narrowly voting against legalising it.

Security/defence

• Create a new Department of Domestic Affairs, splitting away from the Department of Justice;
• A new national intelligence agency to sit within domestic affairs;
• This department would take in the National Cyber Security Centre;
• It would publish a national security strategy;
• The department would have responsibility for a new border management agency and for migration, asylum seekers, and trafficking;
• Increase Defence Forces’ strength to 11,500 (currently 7,430 or so) as per
  LOA 2;
• Acquire a military radar system and progress naval service replacement, as per LOA 2;
• Continue policy of military neutrality.

Analysis

Even if people are sceptical about implementation, experts believe the proposals on national security at least indicate a growing realisation that security is a priority. Fianna Fáil doesn’t mention the National Screening Advisory Committee (NSAC) either, nor the national security strategy.

The new Department of Domestic Affairs would mean greater focus, and its own budget, and a new intelligence agency would mean the same.

The downside is that setting up the agency would be a very complicated and time-consuming task. It could take five to 10 years and cause all sorts of ructions among, and within, existing agencies.

SINN FÉIN

Crime/policing

• Recruit between 900 and 1,000 gardaí each year, rising to 1,500, and bring total strength to 16,000 over five years;
• €20m additional funding to tackle domestic violence;
• Expand youth diversion projects and increase funding for youth projects;
• Put €1bn from Apple tax money into a "communities fund" to invest in working-class areas.

Analysis

Garda recruitment figures are similar to the other parties. The €1bn fund from Apple taxes for disadvantaged areas would be welcomed by many.

Drugs

• Implement the party’s five-year community addiction and recovery strategy, which will return funding to “historic” high levels for local and regional drug and alcohol task forces and initiate an “unprecedented” investment in community addiction and recovery inpatient capacity.

Analysis

Strangely, for a 180-page document, there is only one mention (the above) of drugs and no reference to decriminalisation. But its "tackling addiction, empowering recovery" strategy does make clear the party would “end the criminalisation of addiction”, not penalise minor possession for personal use, and provide extensive diversion to health services. Interestingly, it states that “consumption of drugs in a public place” would remain illegal.

Security/defence

• Draft legislation to implement the review into the Offences Against the State Act;
• Referendum to enshrine neutrality in the constitution and establish a citizens’ assembly “to agree the wording”;
• Calls on all sides to cease the current “unlimited supply of weapons into Ukraine” which, it said, has costs hundreds of thousands of lives;
• Maintain the triple-lock (Government, Oireachtas, and UN approval for Irish troop missions abroad);
• Oppose “further militarisation” in the EU, including any prospect of an EU army;
• Increase current Defence Forces funding by €206.9m and capital funding by €295m by 2030;
• Bring Defence Forces numbers to a baseline figure of 11,500 as under LOA 2.

Analysis

Sinn Féin’s backing of the Offences Against the State Act appears to mark a significant development since the majority report backed a permanent, and expanded, non-jury Special Criminal Court, albeit with some changes.

The proposal to set up a citizens’ assembly just to agree the wording for enshrining neutrality in the referendum seems very limited as you would expect any such assembly to examine, in the first place, whether or not it should be enshrined.

The party’s call on Ukraine, Russia, the US, and the EU to end hostilities and put the interests of the people above other “geopolitical interests” certainly leaps out from the page.

Then it adds: “All sides must cease the current unlimited supply of weapons into Ukraine which has cost hundreds of thousands of lives.”

It leaves the impression that Ukraine is among those who are putting geopolitical interests before the interests of their own people. Not only that, but Sinn Féin believes limits need to be put in place on weapons going into Ukraine to defend itself — which it has a right to do under UN law.

The party’s reference to “further militarisation” of the EU and to the bogey man of an “EU army” highlights how it views voluntary co-operation among EU members.

The manifesto does make reference to the fact that Ireland “is reliant on other states to address gaps” in its defence capabilities, which includes the "secret" relationship Ireland has with the British air force.

However, apart from its general commitment to LOA 2, the manifesto makes no reference to funding Irish fighter jets (which is under LOA 3).

LABOUR

Crime/policing

• Recruit at least 1,000 gardaí every year and reach 16,000 by 2029, with a long-term goal of 18,000;
• Increase community policing teams and double the size of the Garda National Economic Crime Bureau;
• Address “dangerously overcrowded” prisons by increasing funding for the Probation Service, reducing short-term sentences and investing in mental health and addiction;
• Expand youth work projects, increase their core funding, and give pay parity for youth workers.

Analysis

Recruitment figures similar to other parties. The doubling of the economic crime bureau would be welcomed by many.

There is a strong emphasis on youth work, but there are no budgetary figures.

Drugs

• Additional resources for local drug and alcohol task forces;
• Permanent funding from seized Criminal Assets Bureau (CAB) assets for the Drive drug-related intimidation programme;
• Decriminalise drug possession and repeal of Section 3 of the Misuse of Drugs Act.

Analysis

The backing of local task forces will be welcomed by many, but there are no funding specifics. The use of CAB funds for Drive might help and builds on the existing Community Fund.

Labour’s support for repealing of Section 3 is similar to other parties.

Security/defence

• Immediate goal to bring Defence Forces’ strength back to 9,500 and then to 11,500, as under LOA 2;
• Evaluate requirements to provide air corps intercept capability;
• Review possible transfer of Coast Guard and National Cyber Security Centre to Department of Defence;
• Review personnel pay and allowances;
• Overhaul national security structures and underpin NSAC with legislation;
• Publish national security strategy;
• Enshrine neutrality in the constitution by referendum and retain triple lock;
• Labour said it accepts the majority report of the OASA review, though says the non-jury court would only be used in exceptions.

Analysis

The promised growth of Defence Forces’ strength is on a par with other parties. Putting NSAC on a statutory basis would help. Labour’s position on the SCC appears to be a change in policy. 

There is no movement on neutrality or a referendum. It is not clear if Labour’s opposition to “deeper militarisation” includes current voluntary cooperation with other EU states on protecting critical infrastructure and improving cybersecurity or taking part in EU battlegroups.

GREEN PARTY

Crime/policing

• Increase garda numbers to 15,500;
• Local policing forum in every community;
• Expand Garda Youth Diversion;
• Spend €1bn over four years in expanding domestic violence services and bring number of refuge spaces from current target of 280 to 675.

Analysis

Garda policies similar to other parties. The Green Party has a particular focus on domestic violence.

Drugs

• Remove criminal penalties for possessing less than a week’s supply of a drug;
• Expand drug testing at festivals and nightclubs;
• Introduce legal drug consumption rooms to allow for drugs other than heroin;
• Decriminalise possession of less than 5g of cannabis and possession of less than four cannabis plants on private property;
• Prescribe cannabis-based medicines through pharmacies;
• Tolerate regulated cannabis "coffee shops" selling cannabis from licensed suppliers.

Analysis

Too much in this for detailed analysis, but the Green Party goes beyond decriminalisation of drugs for personal use to include plants in homes. 

How Dutch-style coffee shops would work in Ireland from a policing and legal point of view is worthy of a PhD. 

Expanding the pilot injecting centre to a drug consumption room and expanding drug testing would make sense to many.

Security/defence

• Commit to “active military neutrality” but this means being “able to properly defend ourselves” and not being “politically or morally neutral” in the face of unprovoked aggression;
• Retaining triple lock;
• Defence Forces budget should be upgraded to “plug the gaping holes” in responding to cyber attacks or identifying who is traversing our seas and sky.

Analysis

The Green Party identifies that to be militarily neutral means having the ability to defend references, in particular, the need to invest in the naval service and air corps.

SOCIAL DEMOCRATS

Crime/policing

• Target of 18,000 gardaí;
• Adjust policing deployment to match areas experiencing population growth;
• Invest in youth facilities and mental health and addiction services;
• Multi-annual funding for domestic violence services and double available refuge spaces;
• Establish independent anti-corruption agency/

Analysis

The target for garda levels is the most ambitious, but it is not clear how that would happen. Strong focus on tackling domestic violence and corruption.

Drugs

• Decriminalisation of drugs for personal consumption;
• Increase funding for drug treatment, health services, and community drug services;
• Create expert commission to examine the possible legalisation, regulation, and taxation of cannabis;
• Comprehensive plan to tackle poverty, deprivation, and disadvantage.

Analysis

Similar to other parties, but also calls for an expert body to look at cannabis regulation and emphasises the need to invest in disadvantaged areas.

Security/defence

• Develop a new national defence and security framework;
• Full review of pay and conditions in the Defence Forces;
• Change Department of Defence to Department of Defence, Security, and Emergency Planning;
• Create with that department an office of national defence and security monitoring and threat assessment and an office of national information, cyber and data defence, and security;
• Set minimum strength of Defence Forces at 11,500;
• Maintain current form of neutrality, adding this meant being “able to defend and monitor one’s own territory”;
• Any change to neutrality, including triple lock, to be first tested by a citizens’ assembly and, possibly, by referendum;
• Ensure Ireland not used as a “hub by state and non-state actors” for the passage of military equipment.

Analysis

The priority given to national security is a positive development. Its reference to a new security framework is despite the fact we are still awaiting the national security strategy by NSAC.

Expanding the functions of the Department of Defence, in particular by giving it the lead role for national security and defence, will be welcomed by people on the "defence" side. 

However, it will no doubt raise concerns on the Garda Síochána and Department of Justice side. It’s proposal of a new office for security and threat assessment clashes with Ireland already having NSAC.

It also refers to neutrality meaning the ability to defend oneself and that Ireland needs the ability to prevent the supply of weapons over our airspace but this means having a military radar (which is under LOA 2) and intercept aircraft (only under LOA 3).

PEOPLE BEFORE PROFIT

Crime/policing

• Oppose attacks on refugees and asylum seekers and all forms of racism.

Analysis

Given the extent of concerns about crime and policing levels in working class areas, it is striking the party has little mention of these issues.

Drugs

• Immediately legalise cannabis and promote not-for-profit cannabis social clubs;
• Move towards decriminalisation of all drugs;
• Establish a State-run distribution service with high levels of regulation and supervision;
• Expand medical cannabis access programme;
• Increase funding for local drugs and alcohol task forces;
• Increase funding for a public health education campaign on drugs.

Analysis

Its policies on drugs are far more developed. Whatever the argument for and against legalisation, it accurately points out decriminalisation leaves supply with cartels and gangs.

Security/defence

• Defend neutrality, including triple lock;
• Withdraw from defence co-operation projects within EU and Nato;
• Ireland should call for peace in Ukraine “rather than supporting EU efforts to intensify war”.

Analysis

PBP explicitly doesn’t want Ireland taking part in EU Pesco projects. It makes no reference to increasing investment in the Defence Forces.