Green Party's experience shows the limits of government formation in Ireland
To Photo: Eamon Farrell/rollingnews Protesters outside October 17 Gas Policy Fracked Of Office Security Leah Party Ireland In Demanding In Ireland That In Revoke The Green Ie Will Dublin Action The Introduce Ryan Into 'energy That 2030'
It is Sunday morning, December 1, 2024, and as the election count unfolds, the airwaves hum with a familiar refrain.
Pundits, politicians, and broadcasters extol the virtues of being "ready to govern" invoking metaphors of green jerseys and ditches while lauding the so-called "pragmatism" of being a “party of government”. These platitudes, presented as wisdom, are as much about shaping the future as they are about rewriting the past.
This narrative isn't new. I heard it four years ago, during the formation of the outgoing government. Back then, I wrote an open letter, which was signed by three other Green Party candidates, urging party members to reject the Programme for Government.
The argument was simple: the proposed plan offered a greener status quo, not the transformative action Ireland so desperately needed.
Instead of delivering a true Green New Deal — where housing, healthcare, workers’ rights, and economic security pave the way to a zero-carbon future — it proposed policies that risked deepening inequality and falling short of climate goals.
Scroll for results in your area
Housing policies catered to developers, carbon taxes disproportionately burdened rural and low-income communities, and agriculture policies continued to favour industry over family farms. For pointing this out, we were dismissed as naïve, unpragmatic, and even childish.
But the mythology of pragmatism — that the "worst day in government is better than the best day outside it" — is a powerful confidence trick. It perpetuates the status quo, ensuring transformative change remains out of reach.
And yet, standing at that crossroads in 2020, even those of us who opposed the deal could see why that mythology has such a profound impact.
Amidst the global pandemic, the Green Party entered government for compelling reasons. Climate breakdown demanded urgent action, and the chance to shape policy after decades of inaction was too critical to ignore. Yet, the past four years raise profound questions about whether this was the right call — not just for the party, but for the climate movement and the Irish people.
There were successes. The Climate Law was a landmark achievement, and Greens in ministerial positions advanced important legislation. However, the promise of transformative action was stymied by the status quo. Attempting to retrofit climate solutions onto a neoliberal economic framework left them inaccessible to many.
Grants for warmer homes, renewable energy, and electric vehicles encouraged uptake but were largely accessible only to those with financial means. Instead of fostering equity, these initiatives widened disparities and failed to harness the developmental potential of climate action. The broader climate movement, which had propelled the Greens into power, faltered and lost momentum.
Beyond climate action, the social dialogue remained weak and the social contract was further eroded. Homelessness soared, housing costs spiralled, and our healthcare system, battered by the pandemic, emerged as one of the worst-performing in the northern hemisphere.
While there is no counterfactual, it’s hard not to imagine better options were possible.
In Spring 2020, as the government was formed, the European Central Bank had suspended fiscal rules to encourage borrowing in the face of the pandemic, creating a once-in-a-generation opportunity. Ireland could have launched a green industrial revolution — creating jobs, retaining young talent, and accelerating decarbonization. Instead, cautious fiscal policies prevailed, and we failed to meet the moment.
At times, the Greens seemed compelled to justify their place in government by overstating incremental progress while systemic issues deepened.
One recent example was the reframing of emissions reductions from offshoring electricity generation as domestic progress in greenhouse gas reductions. Even after this was exposed, the party stuck to the 7% reduction figure — a well-intentioned attempt to highlight achievements but one that let messaging trump the complexities of reality.
Messaging was never going to be enough. Enduring climate action requires material benefits that people can see and feel, distributed equitably across society. Without this, climate action risks losing public trust, leaving the very foundations of progress vulnerable to collapse.
The shortcomings of the past four years are not the fault of one party but reflect a deeper immaturity in Ireland’s political system. At its heart, this immaturity undermines representation, engagement, and democratic progress.
To build a robust, inclusive democracy, two changes to how we vote and a critical reform to how we legislate are urgently needed.
First, it’s indefensible that Irish citizens abroad remain disenfranchised in 2024. Emigration, often driven by economic necessity, should not strip people of their voice in shaping the nation’s future.
Second, declining voter turnout further weakens the social contract. Compulsory voting, as practiced in Australia, combined with accessible options like mail-in ballots and extended polling days, would ensure greater representation and stronger mandates.
Beyond voting, Ireland’s rigid party whip system constrains legislative progress. It forces TDs to toe the party line and reduces opposition to a symbolic role rather than a legitimate space for constructive contribution. This rigidity stifles innovation, blocks collaboration, and perpetuates the idea that meaningful politics only happens in government.
To mature as a democracy, we must relax the whip system, enabling opposition parties and individual TDs to shape legislation collaboratively. A system that encourages cross-party initiatives and independent ideas would elevate governance and make opposition a platform for progress, not just dissent.
Ireland urgently needs a new vision for politics, rooted in a renewed social contract. One that ensures a safe, sustainable future for generations to come while guaranteeing dignity and rights for those living today.
Despite the limitations of Ireland's legislative process, opposition offers the most fertile ground for crafting and advancing such a transformative vision.
True transformation starts with bold ideas that challenge entrenched systems. Opposition provides the space to develop, refine, and champion these ideas, turning them into platforms for building alliances, mobilising social movements, and connecting with voters disillusioned by the status quo.
In this moment, a united and constructive opposition, underpinned by robust grassroots organising, has the potential to re-shape Ireland’s political landscape far more effectively than diluted compromises forged in government.
The shifting global economic landscape only heightens this opportunity. As the FDI model faces mounting challenges and de-globalisation re-shapes economies, Ireland stands at a crossroads.
We can embrace a bold alternative: green industrialisation built on State-owned wind energy, fair re-distribution, community wealth-building, and democratic local economies. This vision cannot emerge from a government tied to neoliberal orthodoxy; it must come from outside.
I’m convinced that Green Party voters in 2020 did not vote for the configuration of the last government. They didn’t vote for a climate action agenda that would falter due to public pushback, nor did they vote for the housing crisis to deepen or for young people to continue emigrating en masse.
They voted for something else: a politics that confronts the enormous challenges of our time — climate breakdown, inequality, and the housing crisis — head-on. This is the aspiration of many who seek alternatives to Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael. While current seat arithmetic may allow Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael to govern alone, the temptation for smaller parties to join may persist.
If those entrusted with the vote for change want to honour it, they must focus on building a new social contract. To do this, we need to break free from the myth of pragmatism. If smaller parties feel tempted to 'pull on the green jersey,' they should reflect on the lost opportunity to build a real alternative — a model of governance that is bold, fair, and forward-thinking.
True pragmatism is about shaping solutions that tackle the root causes of our crises. Real climate action, a just transition, and a renewed social contract will not come from the status quo; they will come from those willing to break with it.
In doing so we might find a new politics in Ireland — one that values collaboration, embraces complexity, and dares to dream bigger. Ireland is at a crossroads, and the decisions made now will shape its future for generations. For those at the crossroads, the question is clear: Will you preserve the system as it is, or will you build the future we desperately need?
- Seán McCabe is Head of Climate Justice and Sustainability. He ran as a candidate for the Green Party in 2020.
CLIMATE & SUSTAINABILITY HUB