What is Hezbollah’s role and influence in Lebanon?
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The escalating conflict between Israeli forces and Hezbollah has put a renewed focus on the battle-hardened Lebanese militant group.
The two sides have been exchanging fire since the beginning of the war in Gaza in October last year, but the violence has increased markedly in the past week on the Lebanese side of the border, where Israel killed hundreds of people in strikes on Monday.
The violence is seen as the most likely avenue for the war in Gaza to explode into an uncontrollable regional conflagration. Here is a guide to the “Party of God” and its position in — and testy relationship with — the fragile Lebanese state.
Hezbollah is a powerful Islamist movement that was founded by Iran during the middle of the Lebanese 1975-90 civil war. It was further shaped by its fight with Israeli forces after their 1982 invasion of Lebanon.
While the US and other western governments deem it a terrorist organisation — and Hezbollah has conducted mass-casualty attacks on civilians — the group’s reach extends far beyond militancy.
The Shia Muslim movement has become a political and social powerhouse in Lebanon, running medical clinics, schools, a regional television network and even a hilltop museum that has been popular with European tourists.
For years, Hezbollah has played an official political role, with ministers in government and lawmakers in parliament. It holds the ministry of public works and the ministry of labour, and has often formed coalitions with other political parties, including Christian ones, under power-sharing agreements.
Fractured, sectarian politics means the government in Lebanon has remained weak, politically divided and plagued by corruption.
Currently, there is no president due to infighting. The upshot is that even Hebzollah’s domestic adversaries are unable to reel in the group. Lebanon’s prime minister, Najib Mikati, for example, describes himself as “liberal” and is not part of Hezbollah, but he has little control over what it does.
It is widely accepted that Hezbollah could overpower the national army if it wanted to, although the group appears to have preferred to maintain its current status as a powerful player.
Lebanon’s 15-year civil war, which was fought largely along religious and sectarian lines, ended with warring militias laying down their arms. Hezbollah, however, was the exception, keeping its weapons ostensibly to fight the Israeli forces that occupied southern Lebanon at the time.
Hezbollah garnered widespread domestic support for pushing out Israel in 2000, even among Christian, Druze and Sunni Muslim sections of society outside its main Shia base in the south of Lebanon. It fought a five-week war with Israel in 2006.
Substantial backing from allies in Iran and Syria has also allowed Hezbollah to play an outsized role in the Lebanese state.
The local support Hezbollah received as the only Lebanese force able to provide a deterrent to Israel’s attacks has been chipped away over the years, most significantly after it helped the Syrian dictator, Bashar al-Assad, suppress a pro-democracy uprising with bloody and lethal force.
As Iran’s most powerful proxy force in its region, Hezbollah could have been forced or at least coerced into fighting for Assad, who is a close ally to Tehran and part of its “axis of resistance” against Israel and the US.
However, many Lebanese people saw Hezbollah’s attacks on Syrians as an unjust intervention in a foreign conflict — one that risked drawing their fragile state into further unrest while it was still recovering from the scars of its own civil war, decades after it formally ended.
Hezbollah has allowed Hamas to operate in Lebanon and coordinates closely with the group.
However, while they share a common enemy in Israel, they are certainly not strong allies. The Sunni Muslim Hamas is also considered an Iranian proxy force but it operates with independence, notably by initially backing anti-Assad forces during the Syrian civil war, which strained its relationship with Hezbollah.