But the data also tells another story. 

A convent in Westmeath and a golf village in Co Clare struck the most valuable deals with the State in the last three months of last year. 

The use of those facilities shows just how stretched and comprehensive our response to the crisis has become. 

We are at a point where any four walls and a roof are being pressed into action in a largely imperfect, but still impressive response in terms of manpower and scale.

A total of 79,783 Ukrainian people are now living in Ireland, according to the most up-to-date figures from the Department of Justice, and around 85 Ukrainians are still arriving here every day on average. 

To put it another way — Ireland has added the population of Galway in a year. 

But this goes far beyond just adding bodies. 

We have added a population of a city that may not always speak the language; which has no roots or support system; needs education, health, and social services; and, crucially, has fled war and may be traumatised.

And this is where the Irish response has run into problems. 

We were excellent in the emergency phase, but a Social Justice Ireland statement on the anniversary of Russia's brutal invasion of its neighbour was less complimentary about what has happened since.

"Within the Irish response is a heavy reliance on the community and voluntary sector to provide supports such as co-ordination of accommodation, teaching English, supporting family placements, and so on," it stated.

It was the community and voluntary sector who amplified safeguarding concerns relating to unaccompanied minors, leading Government to put the relevant protections in place early on in the crisis. 

"The sector continues to highlight these concerns in respect of accommodation placements that are arranged privately between a Ukrainian family and an Irish host, in recognition of the imbalance of power within that relationship.

"The crisis was also seen as a temporary problem, with initial reports of temporary housing being needed for 'up to three years' and that, once the war is over, Ukrainian migrants will return to their own country and rebuild their lives. 

"However, there is no clarity as to what pathways to protection will be available if the key driver of displacement endures beyond this point. And this ‘temporary thinking’ resulted in the loss of valuable time in planning a more sustainable and long-term response."

That medium- and long-term plan is still not really any clearer. 

Modular homes

Government will point to plans it has in place, but the elephant in that particular room is modular housing. 

First promised for the end of last year, Integration Minister Roderic O'Gorman said in January that the rapid-build homes would be occupied by Easter. 

Last week, it was announced that timeline has been pushed to June, with the Department of Integration saying that it could take until August to finish all 700 of the planned modular homes.

“The timeframe for the installation of the rapid-build homes is dependent on works required at each individual site and the timescale for the manufacture of the homes required," the Department stated.

Accordingly, it is planned for works to be completed on the first site in mid-May, with residents starting to move into the homes in early to mid-June.”

That is 700 modular homes to house 2,800 people, under 5% of what is already here. 

International Protection arrivals

The system is now so stretched, it's ripping at the seams. 

All of this, of course, comes against the backdrop of a near-200% rise in the numbers seeking international protection and the fact that many of those are without State-provided accommodation. 

In total, 479 recently-arrived asylum seekers were without State-provided accommodation as of last Thursday. 

Overall, 827 people were initially not offered any accommodation since January 24, but 348 subsequently were offered a space.

This has, in effect, created a two-tier asylum system that has played into some of the far-right rhetoric around non-Ukrainian refugees — there are now "good" and "bad" cases for international protection in the eyes of some.

Of course, the impacts will be wide-ranging, with Mr O'Gorman saying in a parliamentary response that the war will delay the ending of direct provision.

He told Galway TD Catherine Connolly: "It is not clear if the increase in International Protection arrivals is a once-off impact due to the pent-up demand after covid and the impact of the war in Ukraine, or is a trend that will continue throughout 2023 and beyond. 

"This increase in numbers has huge implications for the implementation of the White Paper, as the assumptions underpinning it are based on 3,500 new arrivals each year, which are based on 20 years of data.

In this vastly changed context since the publication of the White Paper, an overall review of the projected timelines and deliverables is currently under way. 

"This is a complex exercise that is reassessing the projections underpinning the White Paper with respect to numbers of arrivals and how this impacts key deliverables and timelines."

This is a huge challenge for Ireland, one that came hot on the heels of the ending of the covid-19 pandemic, and it has thrown many plans into flux. 

Have we done a good job overall? 

Largely the social fabric has held and we have roofs over the heads of the vast majority of the nearly 100,000 people who have arrived. But it remains to be seen if a sustainable plan can be executed.

For now, we will have to make do, even if that means paying for a convent.