"Compare and contrast" used to be a staple of secondary school essays when tasked with examining a subject matter.
It is as good a place as any to begin an analysis of the Government’s much-anticipated plan to reform and reinvest in the Defence Forces, coming on the back of many years of neglect, a recruitment and retention crisis and a worsening international security landscape.
Back in September 2018, the report of the Commission on the Future of Policing in Ireland (CFPI) was published.
That report was charged with drawing up a blueprint for reform and restructuring of An Garda Síochána — and its twin roles of policing and national security — after successive years of controversies and scandal.
Three months on from that, in December 2018, the Government published a “High Level Implementation Plan”, entitled
.It covered a four-year implementation period, 2019-2022.
The document provided an overview per year of the main actions to be achieved.
This was followed by an 18-page section on what was to be implemented during 2019, broken down by quarter.
The departments and agencies involved in each action were named, including the lead agency.
That was the commission on reforming policing.
Last February, the report of the Commission on the Defence Forces (CDF) was published.
Some five months on — two months longer than with the CFPI report — the Government has published a “High Level Action Plan”, entitled
.The action plan announces that the Government has approved “a move to” Level of Ambition 2 (LOA2) – the second of three options laid out by the CDF.
But it soon becomes apparent on reading the action plan why it is called that and not an implementation plan.
In fact we are told: “The development of a detailed implementation plan within six months of the Government’s decision to move to LOA2 is a key early action.”
It said this implementation plan will set out recommendations in the commission’s report to be delivered over the short, medium and long term.
That means we are looking at January 2023 for the actual implementation plan — almost a year on from the CDF report.
That compares to two months for the CFPI implementation plan.
The structure for implementation for the CDF report is modelled on the policing format.
There will be a High Level Steering Board, chaired by the Secretary General of the Department of the Taoiseach and including the leaders of relevant departments and the Defence Forces.
Under that there will be an Implementation Oversight Group, headed by an independent chairperson. No details are given on the progress to appoint that person.
In the policing implementation plan, the name of the person appointed chair, a former member of the CFPI, was included.
The CDF Oversight Group will comprise senior officials from the relevant agencies and departments.
An Implementation Management Office will be set up to drive implementation, comprised of both military and civilian experts and external experts.
All this may sound very dry and boring to some, but these structures are important if determining when, and to what extent, the recommendations will be implemented.
Ireland has a long tradition of publishing landmark reports by commissions and inquiries and expert committees, many of which gather dust or limp on as external interest wanes and other priorities — of which there are many — concentrate minds.
When the CPFI implementation plan was published on December 18, 2018, the then Justice Minister Charlie Flanagan said: “My Government colleagues and I are determined, as I know the Commissioner is, to ensure that this plan is delivered by the centenary of the establishment of An Garda Síochána in 2022.”
But, as we know, Covid hit around February 2020, forcing the Government and the State to focus primarily on tackling the pandemic emergency.
That has meant delays of two years and more in many of the key planks of reform.
With the global economy predicted to enter recession, ongoing health and housing crises domestically, and the contours of Russian aggression threatening to deepen and even expand, who knows what could delay, even derail, investment in the Defence Forces.
We have also seen with An Garda Síochána that despite massive recruitment over the last four years, albeit affected by Covid, the strength of the force has struggled to increase past the 14,500 mark and is still below 2011 levels.
The Government is promising 2,000 extra recruits into the Defence Forces on top of filling the 1,000 current vacancies.
But it also needs to stem the haemorrhaging of members from leaving, with many citing poor pay and allowances as reasons.
With high inflation hitting the lowest paid hard, among them the bulk of the Defence Forces, this is not going to be easy.
The Chief of Staff, Lieutenant General Seán Clancy said yesterday was “a significant day” for the Defence Forces, and could even be the “most important day” in its history.
But he knows the battle has just begun — and that it will be a long one.